Collectables 1. Pet Supplies 1. Crafts 1.
Format see all Format. All listings filter applied. Buy it now. Browse more videos? Sherman On CD. Bibliographic Information. This item is printed on demand. Hero on a Honda : Reflections on India. About the Author : Carol L. Buy New View Book. More filters. The Spirit of Christmas.
de.isuxosecaq.tk Reading Olympe de Gouges by Carol L. Midnight the magical hour. Shop by category. Items in search results.
Please provide a valid price range. Item location see all Item location.
Ireland Only. European Union. Show only see all Show only.
Still, she was recognized among the fashionable and intellectual elite in Paris, and she was well-versed in the main themes of the most influential thinkers of her day, at least for a time. Her name appears in the Almanach des addresses a kind of social registry from She was among the first to demand the emancipation of slaves, the rights of women including divorce and unwed motherhood , and the protection of orphans, the poor, the unemployed, the aged and the illegitimate. She had a talent for emulating those she admired, including especially Rousseau but also Condorcet, Voltaire, and the playwright Beaumarchais.
Olympe de Gouges has been called illiterate, immoral, and insane while being mentioned solely for her Declaration of the Rights of Woman and [the female] Citizen. Her most famous work was the "Declaration of the Rights of Woman and the Female Citizen," the publication of which resulted in Gouges being tried and convicted of treason. Stock photo. Elias Garza 9 Feb Reply. Please provide a valid price range.
Details are limited. Born Marie Gouze in Montauban, France in to petite-bourgeois parents Anne Olympe Moisset Gouze, a maidservant, and her second husband, Pierre Gouze, a butcher, Marie grew up speaking Occitan the dialect of the region. She was possibly the illegitimate daughter of Jean-Jacques Le Franc de Caix the Marquis de Pompignan , himself a man of letters and a playwright among whose claims to fame includes an accusation of plagiarism by Voltaire. These letters stop short of unequivocal denial of his paternity. The year of her first published work is , and it marks the end of her first decade in Paris.
She had begun to write in earnest around Charlotte Jeanne Be'raud de la Haye de Riou, Marchioness of Montesson , wife of the Duke of Orleans, a playwright herself and a woman of much influence and wealth, was among a list of other friends who came to her aid. With little formal education and as a woman boldly unconventional, once she began her life of letters, her detractors were eager to find fault.
She was often accused of being illiterate, yet her familiarity with Moliere, Paine, Diderot, Rousseau, Voltaire, and many others, the breadth of her interests, and the speed with which she replied to published criticism, all attest to the unlikelihood of the accusation. As French was not her native tongue and since her circumstances permitted, she maintained secretaries for most of her literary career.
Her literary pursuits began with playwriting. Gouges wrote as many as 40 plays, as inventoried at her arrest. Twelve of those plays survived, and four found the requisite influential, wealthy, mostly male backing needed for their staging. Ten were published. Gouges broke with this tradition—publishing under her own name and pushing the boundaries of what was deemed appropriate subject matter for women playwrights—and withstood the consequences.
Reviews of her early productions were mixed—some fairly favorable, others patronizing and condescending or skeptical of her authorship. The play also shines a light on the injustice of imprisonment for debt. Winning praise from abolitionist groups, it was the first French play to focus on the inhumanity of slavery; it is, not surprisingly, also the first to feature the first person perspective of the slave. It saw three performances before it was shut down by sabotaging actors and protests organized by enraged French colonists who, deeply reliant on the slave trade, hired hecklers to wreak havoc on the production.
Gouges fought back through the press, her social and literary connections and through the National Assembly. Sympathy for his inexperienced wife and, later, an innocent baby, gives him insights he uses for moral reflection, a theme found in David Hume , Josiah Royce , and much modern feminist ethics.
And, she had a unique voice on many matters. Playwriting for Gouges was a political activity. In addition to slavery, she highlighted divorce, the marriageability of priests and nuns, girls forcibly sent to convents, the scandal of imprisonment for debt, and the sexual double-standard, as social issues, some repeatedly. Such activism was not unheard-of on the stage, but Gouges carried it to new heights.
By , her writings had become more explicitly political. The Convent was her second play to see the light of day, and her greatest success. In the year of its publication it saw approximately 80 performances. Most notable, perhaps, is the appearance of the three women as worthy of a place of honor and a voice, platforms they use to assert, among other things, that the success of the Revolution pivots on the inclusion of women.
This is also the year Gouges wrote The Rights of Woman , discussed separately below. The former, confiscated at her arrest, was used as proof of sedition at her trial because of its sympathetic depiction of Marie-Antoinette, even as Gouges used it to demonstrate support for her own case. The publication of Memoir of Madame de Valmont ironically begins, rather than summarizes, her political career. This fictionalized self-examination grappled with idealized father figures and fragmented selves, and served to package and compartmentalize her pre-Parisian life and move her forward wholly into a literary existence.
Rejection of the symbolic paternal voice of the culture has political power, and the Memoir presents an 18 th century illustration of making the personal political—a vivid theme in 20 th century feminism. Scholars are mixed on whether she maintained her monarchist stance throughout her life. Her literary output and her pamphleteering often suggest some version of a monarchy as her default position.
The male characters still hesitate to share the reins with women. While not prepared to offer up a fully formed theory of oppression, Gouges is readying the space where that work can be done.
In all of her writings, both literary and political, one finds an unflinching self-confidence and a desire for justice. Familial obligations dominate and are responses to the inadequacies of the state. The plight of the illegitimate child, the unmarried mother, the poor, the commoner at least by , the orphan, the unemployed, the slave, even the King when he is most vulnerable, are all brought to light, with family connection and sympathy for the most disadvantaged as the pivotal plot points. Women characters regularly displace men at center stage.
It is women, unified with each other and winning the recognition of men, that most characterizes what Gouges conveys in her work. She is the first to bring several taboo issues to the stage, divorce and slavery among them. As with so much that came to prominence with modern feminism, indignation at injustice must have started for Gouges with her own marginalization as a woman, but it shifted to the external world with a recognition of the inhumanity of slavery.
Gouges and Rousseau. Relevance and Legacy; References and Further Reading. Extant Works by Olympe de Gouges (in French); On-line English Translations. Olympe de Gouges has been called illiterate, immoral, and insane while being mentioned solely for her Declaration of the Rights of Woman and [the female].
While she was not an immediatist like some in the next generation of abolitionists such as William Lloyd Garrison in the U. In fact, female political participation of all kinds was formally banned by the French National Assembly in , after one of several uprisings led by women. Her path from social nonconformist, to political activist and reformer, to martyr was one untrodden by women.
Many of the most influential eighteenth century intellectuals—with a few exceptions—were convinced women did not have the intellectual capacity for politics. Gouges challenged that perception, while also problematizing it by writing hastily, sometimes dictating straight to the printer. While her uneven education opened her to ridicule, it gave her a critical affinity for Rousseauean ideas, as will be discussed below.
Both playwriting and her productivity as a pamphleteer gained her celebrity which she used as a podium for her advocacy of the marginalized, and for drawing attention to the importance of the preservation of the state. She petitioned the National Assembly on a number of occasions on these and other matters.
Whether or not related to her efforts, the National Assembly did pass laws in giving illegitimate children some of the civil rights for which she fought and granting women the right to divorce, even while women remained legal nonentities overall. While the historical record is more complicated than that, in historian John R. Her call for women to identify as women and band together in support of each other can also be considered a contribution to the revolutionary and to the concept of citizenship, and remains today an important focus for modern feminism.
The latter two petitioned the National Assembly unsuccessfully in to ensure legal rights for women. Her awareness of these themes spring from her experience as a woman, solidified by her unhappy early marriage, her unapologetic and ostensibly scandalous first years in Paris, through to her sometimes-thwarted, oft-derided, attempts at participation in cultural, literary and political realms.
She experienced firsthand how the rights of the citizen were denied women. Her early history, her frustration at being denied, or dismissed as, a voice in the public sphere, and the ridicule she withstood, aimed at her gender, gave shape to insights emblematic of much later feminist theory and concretized for her an understanding of the link between the public and private realms. Her decision to continue to publish works deemed seditious even as the danger of arrest grew shows courage and commitment to her advocacy of the less fortunate and exemplifies her self-definition as a political activist.
She was the only woman executed for sedition during the Reign of Terror Is it for women to make motions? Is it for women to put themselves at the head of our armies?
In May or June of her poster The Three Urns [or Ballot Boxes ] appeared, calling for a referendum to let the people decide the form the new government should take.